
THE NEW PRODUCTION 
      OF KNOWLEDGE - THE DYNAMICS OF SCIENCE AND RESEARCH IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIETIES, 
      Michael Gibbons, Camille Limoges, Helga Nowotny, Peter Scott Simon Schwartzman, 
      Martin Trow. London, Sage Publications, 1994.  
      
      Zaheer Baber, Contemporary Sociology, 24, 
      6, Nov 1995 
 
      Jointly authored by a team of distinguished scholars spanning a number of 
      disciplines, The New Production of Knowledge maps changes in the mode of 
      knowledge production and the global impact of such transformations. The 
      key motif underlying the book's arguments is that the world is witnessing 
      a dramatic shift both in the institutional context of knowledge production 
      and in the kind of knowledge that is being produced. For heuristic purposes, 
      Mode 1 is identified as "traditional knowledge" generated within a specific 
      disciplinary, cognitive, and primarily academic context. Mode 2, on the 
      other hand, represents knowledge generated outside academic institutions 
      in broader, transdisciplinary social and economic contexts. The process 
      of transition from Mode 1 to Mode 2 has been precipitated mainly by a dramatic 
      expansion of higher education in the past few decades that created a surplus 
      of highly skilled graduates who could not be absorbed into traditional academic 
      settings. Instead of being reduced to a reserve army of surplus labor, the 
      authors contend that most of them have either found work in private industries 
      and laboratories or have founded their own enterprises, consultancies, and 
      think-tanks, etc. One consequence has been the proliferation of multiple 
      sites of knowledge production; universities no longer have a monopoly on 
      the certification of valid knowledge. Although the transition from Mode 
      1 to Mode 2 is not as yet complete, the authors contend that the process 
      is well under way and is in fact "irreversible" (p. 11). Attempts to stall 
      this process will not work, and the least social analysts can do is to understand 
      the dynamics of this change with the aim of managing it in the future. The 
      authors map certain key changes that are occurring as a consequence of the 
      emergence of multiple sites of nonacademic knowledge production. In the 
      first instance, knowledge in Mode 2 is produced primarily in the context 
      of applications characterized by a problem-solving approach to specific 
      issues, as opposed to a context governed largely by the interests of an 
      academic community. Knowledge produced in Mode 2 is characterized by "transdisciplinarity," 
      and solutions to problems generated are beyond the resources of practitioners 
      within a single discipline. At the organizational level, Mode 2 knowledge 
      production leads to a complex network of linkages between a number of subfields 
      and heterogeneous sites, leading to further transmutation and reconfiguration 
      of these subfields and sites. The new mode of knowledge production is also 
      characterized by social accountability and reflexivity. The authors contend 
      that contrary to what one might expect, working in the context of application 
      increases the sensitivity of scientists and technologists to the broader 
      implications of what they are doing, making them more reflexive and accountable 
      to the growing public concern about the environment and other social issues. 
      Finally, in addition to the standard procedures like peer review, etc. adopted 
      for evaluation and quality control of knowledge, Mode 2 incorporates a diverse 
      range of criteria that reflect social, economic, and political interests. 
      Thus, criteria like competitiveness in the market, cost-effectiveness et 
      al. become as important as peer review based on purely intellectual and 
      disciplinary considerations. Although the focus of the book is primarily 
      on scientific and technological knowledge, the humanities and social sciences 
      are also discussed in a brief chapter.
 
      The authors succeed in their limited aim of sketching out, in very large 
      strokes, the emerging trends in knowledge production and their implications 
      for future society. The macro focus of the book is a welcome change from 
      the micro obsession of most sociologists of science, who have pretty much 
      deconstructed institutions and even scientific knowledge out of existence. 
      However, despite brief discussions of the inequalities emerging as a consequence 
      of these changes, the authors view the process as fairly benign. After all, 
      there are many associations and support groups of highly qualified scientists 
      who, after enduring the ritual of successive postdoc positions, have given 
      up hope of stable employment. The situation in the social sciences is only 
      marginally better, and it is worse still for those trained in the humanities. 
      Whether those who are highly skilled but permanently underemployed have 
      a better chance in Mode 2 or whether they will continue to swell the ranks 
      of the reserve army of the under-employed remains to be seen. 
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